Europe’s political leaders are showing more and more signs of discomfort – not to say emerging panic – over an economic crisis that just won’t go away. My diagnosis is that this is a permanent crisis, brought upon Europe by its fiscally obese and unsustainable welfare state. (Make sure to get my book Industrial Poverty when it comes out August 28!) By consequence, it is therefore not possible for Europe to get out of the crisis unless they first roll back and eventually fully dismantle their welfare state.
Not everyone agrees. As the EU Observer reports, the social affairs commissioner of the EU – compare him to the U.S. Secretary of Health and Human Services – is getting mighty frustrated with the crisis and calls for a restoration of the welfare state:
The EU’s social affairs commissioner on Friday (13 June) lashed out at the EU’s response to the economic crisis. Lazlo Andor, in a speech delivered in Berlin, said debt-curbing policies designed to resolve the sovereign debt crisis have wrecked Europe’s social welfare model. “Austerity policies in many cases actually aggravated the economic crisis,” he said.
Has he been sneak-peeking on this blog? Apparently, because he cannot have read my articles in full. If he had, he would know that there are two answers to his frustration over austerity and the crisis. On the one hand, yes, the spending cuts have slashed entitlement programs and made it tougher to get by on government handouts. On the other hand, though, the current European austerity model has raised taxes on businesses and households. This has stifled economic growth and thus made it harder for people to get out of their government dependency.
The reason for this is that austerity, as designed and carried out during the crisis in Europe, has had the purpose of balancing the government budget – even at the cost of depressed private-sector activity. Other forms of austerity, applied back in the late 20th century, had other goals, among them to inspire growth in the private sector. The difference is monumental for the outcome of an austerity strategy.
Europe has been under the statist version of austerity, the purpose of which is to balance the government budget and therefore restore fiscal sustainability in government. The reason for this, in turn, is that as Europe’s political leaders designed a response to the crisis, it never occurred to them that the very existence of a welfare state could have something to do with the crisis.
Back to the EU Observer:
He described the EU’s economic and monetary union (EMU) as flawed from the start, forcing troubled member states to make deep cuts in the private and public sectors via internal devaluation. “Internal devaluation has resulted in high unemployment, falling household incomes and rising poverty – literally misery for tens of millions of people,” he said.
This is a technical level of macroeconomics. What Commissioner Andor is saying is actually that Greece would have been better off when the crisis began if they had been able to devalue their own currency – the drachma – vs the Deutsch mark. However, that is a way to grossly simplify the problem: the argument rests on the assumption that Greece fell into a depression because of bad terms of trade vs. Germany. But the fact of the matter is that Greece was in trouble for years before the outbreak of the Great Recession, with deficit and debt problems resulting not from insufficient exports capacity (which is what Commissioner Andor alludes to) but from a vast system of entitlement programs that promised a lot more to their recipients than taxpayers could afford.
The EU Observer again:
[The] EMU is gripped by a social and economic paradox. “On the one hand, we introduce social legislation to improve labour standards and create fair competition in the EU. On the other hand, we settle with a monetary union which, in the long run, deepens asymmetries in the community and erodes the fiscal base for national welfare states,” he said.
There you go. No blame on the welfare state, all blame on admittedly dysfunctional EU institutions. But the role of the EU did not become acute until the economic crisis had escalated to depression-level conditions in some southern EU states. It was not until the Troika (EU-ECB-IMF) went to work in 2010-11 that the venom of ill-designed austerity went to work deep inside the economies of Greece, Spain, Portugal and Italy. By then, the crisis had already started, it had escalated and caused runaway unemployment and rampant deficits.
So long as Commissioner Andor persists in believing that the welfare state is the victim, not the culprit, in this crisis, the crisis will prevail.
Commissioner Andor’s complete ignorance on this item is revealed as the EU Observer story reaches its crescendo:
A possible way out, he says, is to disperse some money from national coffers through so-called “fiscal transfers” between member states using the euro. Some of the pooled money would be used, in part, to fund a European Unemployment scheme to better prop up domestic demand, says Andor.
How many entitlement programs, and how many levels of government, do you have to involve before government expansionists understand that pouring more gasoline on the fire is not going to put out the flames?